The Glorious Western Civilization!
A
curious debate once arose in extremist circles: was Mohammad Atta, the 9/11
hijacker, a greater jihadi than Maulana Masood Azhar?
From
Kathmandu, terrorists hijacked a plane to Kabul and forced a developing nation
into submission. Prisoners were exchanged for passengers—India humiliated
before the world. While New Delhi scrambled desperately to secure the release
of its citizens, the First World—America included—watched with a smirk,
enjoying the spectacle like jackals dressed as pundits.
Earlier,
under Dawood Ibrahim’s command, Mumbai had been ripped apart by serial blasts.
In a decade, terrorism claimed 50,000 Indian lives, and in Palestine, hundreds
of thousands more. In countries where the average income hovers between one and
ten thousand rupees, human lives are evidently cheaper.
Then
came 9/11, laying bare a cruel truth: the lives of some are precious, the lives
of others expendable. During the Kandahar hijacking, America and NATO—champions
of democracy—spent not a single word on Masood Azhar’s release. In India,
during President Bill Clinton’s visit, forty Hindus were massacred in Kashmir.
Yet the world expressed no outrage. When Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
pleaded with the world to unite against terrorism, his appeal was broadcast
like a weather report—heard, noted, dismissed.
The
Collapse of Pride
And
then, in a matter of minutes, the grandeur of three hundred years of Western
arrogance crumbled. The mighty American civilization—armed with nuclear
power—was undone with nothing more than plastic knives and box cutters.
We
of the smaller nations felt a secret, guilty joy. Though we dared not express
it—lest the elder brother take offense—we thought silently: so, how does it
feel now?
When
terrorists struck India, Vajpayee begged for solidarity. When America was
attacked, President Bush did not beg. He commanded. He summoned. He decreed
that it was the duty of every nation on earth to stand beside America. And if
any dared refuse, America would bend fingers—coerce, punish, destroy.
What
a staggering threat! And when Afghanistan refused, missiles rained down upon
it, showing the world what happens when you disobey the elder brother.
Bush:
Terrorist or Statesman?
Mohammad
Atta was a terrorist. That much is certain. But by the same logic, was George
Bush not also a terrorist?
In
the hunt for al-Qaeda, the US unleashed indiscriminate bombardment, killing
helpless civilians—women, children, the defenseless. If Atta’s act was
terrorism, why not Bush’s? Is atrocity lawful when committed by an elder
brother, but unlawful when committed by an enemy?
Thus
Western civilization—almost unanimously—declared: blood for blood, death for
death.
The
Hypocrisy of Civilization
Italy
claimed Western civilization was superior to Islamic civilization. Perhaps so.
But what is this superiority?
For
three centuries, the so-called glorious West has plundered and oppressed the
colonized world—murder, genocide, loot, cultural annihilation, man-made
famines, two World Wars. Long before the Mohammad Attas of history were born,
Western civilization had perfected mass slaughter.
Indeed,
if we trace Islamic extremism itself, its roots lie in Western games. America
created Osama bin Laden to bleed the Soviets in Afghanistan. Russia propped up
Saddam. America nurtured Syria. To guard oil, the Middle East was turned into a
colony of the West. Pakistan was groomed into a terrorist state by American
patronage. The violence in Kashmir over the past four decades thrived on this
support.
And
today, America poses as saint?
The
Value of Lives
For
the West, the lives of Middle Easterners, Afghans, Pakistanis, Indians,
Vietnamese—count for little. Millions have perished in wars where America
pulled the strings for political gain.
Now,
when America is wounded, the entire world must weep? Some radicals now frame
the struggle not as terrorism versus civilization but as America and its sacred
allies versus the impoverished, downtrodden peoples of the earth. This framing
may not be entirely true—but one must admit: America itself is also an
extremist power.
Bin
Laden and Bush differ only in style. Bin Laden is the ancient, covert
fundamentalist. Bush is the modern, technological extremist. Bin Laden exploits
Islam; Bush exploits Christianity. When Bush stood at the pulpit of a church
and called for blood in exchange for blood, intellectuals applauded. Jesus’
message of peace was shelved; vengeance became gospel.
The
True War
If
America were honest, why cloak war in the robes of religion? Why invoke the
church as the stage for vengeance? Because the real purpose was not to defeat
terrorism—it was to assert the supremacy of their religion, their civilization.
Thus
the Third World’s fists are clenched in hatred. Upon the heads of defenseless
innocents, in the darkness of night, bombs and food packets fell together. The
starving rejected this food in contempt, recognizing it as a mask for
domination.
What
We Know
The
children of the Third World know Bush’s aims. We, who were once colonial
slaves, know Western civilization to the bone. Yet we remain under its
umbrella—World Bank, IMF, Microsoft, global capital. We cannot protest; we lack
the strength. And America’s bombs remind us: not just a country, but the entire
world could be obliterated. Opposition to Bush? Impossible.
The
Fear of the West
But
there is one fear that haunts Bush. That among the impoverished, marginalized
nations, new rebels will rise. Men unafraid of death. Men who need no
institutions, no intellectual patrons.
With
nothing more than a plastic knife, another Mohammad Atta may one day topple the
edifice of the glorious Western civilization again.
It
is this thought that robs Bush of sleep.
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